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Project 2025 › Chapter 29

Federal Election Commission

Chapter 29 · pp. 861–868 · Hans A. von Spakovsky

What this chapter is about

This chapter is about the agency that guards money in votes. It says the rules should favor the person, not the state. It wants the Justice Department to follow that agency. It also wants the caps on giving raised.

6 proposals indexed from this chapter.

The document says “shouldWho acts: President, Attorney GeneralHow: internal managementp. 863 in the PDF
What the document says

“The President should direct the DOJ and the attorney general not to prosecute individuals under an interpretation of the law with which the FEC”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 863

The full sentence covers interpretations the commission, as the expert agency Congress designated to enforce the law civilly and issue regulations, does not agree with. The chapter says prosecutors should consult all official commission actions including prior enforcement actions, regulatory pronouncements and advisory opinions, and that this should hold even where commissioners split three to three, since the commission cannot act without four affirmative votes.

What the document actually says

“The President should direct the DOJ and the attorney general not to prosecute individuals under an interpretation of the law with which the FEC”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 863
That sentence, in plain words

Say the vote agency reads the law one way. Do not charge people under a different reading.

What this is about

One agency sets the rules for money in votes. The Justice Department can bring charges. The book says it must go by that agency's reading.

No action is recorded against this proposal. That is not evidence that none has been taken. See what the tracker does not yet cover.

The document says “mustWho acts: President, Attorney GeneralHow: internal managementp. 863 in the PDF
What the document says

“The President must ensure that the DOJ, just like the FEC, is directed to only prosecute clear violations of FECA.”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 863

The chapter says the department must not construe ambiguous provisions against the public instead of the government, or apply the act in a way that infringes protected First Amendment activity, and that it would be unjust to prosecute people who cannot tell whether they are breaking a confusing law.

What the document actually says

“The President must ensure that the DOJ, just like the FEC, is directed to only prosecute clear violations of FECA.”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 863
That sentence, in plain words

Only bring charges for clear breaches of the election law.

What this is about

Election law is complex. The book says people cannot always tell if they broke it. It says only clear breaches should be charged.

No action is recorded against this proposal. That is not evidence that none has been taken. See what the tracker does not yet cover.

The document says “should considerWho acts: President, CongressHow: legislationp. 865 in the PDF
What the document says

“the President should seriously consider recommending that Congress amend FECA to remove the agency’s independent litigating authority”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865

Independent litigating authority lets the commission go to court in its own name rather than through the Justice Department. The chapter raises removing it as something to consider seriously rather than as a firm recommendation.

What the document actually says

“the President should seriously consider recommending that Congress amend FECA to remove the agency’s independent litigating authority”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865
That sentence, in plain words

One idea is to take away the agency's power to sue on its own.

What this is about

This agency can take people to court itself. The book says that power could be removed. Then the Justice Department would sue instead.

No action is recorded against this proposal. That is not evidence that none has been taken. See what the tracker does not yet cover.

The document says “shouldWho acts: PresidentHow: not specifiedp. 865 in the PDF
What the document says

“The President should vigorously oppose all efforts, as proposed, for example, in Section 6002 of the “For the People Act of 2021,””

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865

The proposals in question would reduce the commission from six members to five or another odd number. The chapter defends the current requirement of four votes to authorize an enforcement action, which with six members split evenly between the parties means no action can proceed on a party-line vote.

What the document actually says

“The President should vigorously oppose all efforts, as proposed, for example, in Section 6002 of the “For the People Act of 2021,””

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865
That sentence, in plain words

Some want fewer people on this commission. The president should fight that hard.

What this is about

The election agency has six members, three from each party. Four must agree to act. Some want an odd number instead. The book says no.

No action is recorded against this proposal. That is not evidence that none has been taken. See what the tracker does not yet cover.

The document says “shouldWho acts: President, CongressHow: legislationp. 865 in the PDF
What the document says

“The President should prioritize nominations to the FEC once commissioners reach the end of their terms”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865

The chapter asks for legislative language either eliminating or limiting overstays to a reasonable period, so there is time to vet, nominate and confirm successors. Commissioners may currently continue serving after their terms expire until replaced.

What the document actually says

“The President should prioritize nominations to the FEC once commissioners reach the end of their terms”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865
That sentence, in plain words

When a member's term ends, name the next one fast.

What this is about

Members of this agency can stay on after their term ends. Some stay for years. The book says replacements should be named fast.

No action is recorded against this proposal. That is not evidence that none has been taken. See what the tracker does not yet cover.

The document says “shouldWho acts: CongressHow: legislationp. 866 in the PDF
What the document says

“Raise contribution limits and index reporting requirements to inflation.”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 866

The chapter argues that limits hamstring candidates and parties while serving no practical anti-corruption purpose, and that reporting thresholds not indexed to inflation clog the public record and the agency's processes with small-dollar information of little use. It separately criticizes limits on party committees coordinating with their own candidates.

What the document actually says

“Raise contribution limits and index reporting requirements to inflation.”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 866
That sentence, in plain words

Let people give more. Move the reporting limits with inflation.

What this is about

There are caps on what you can give a campaign. The book says they are too low. It also says small gifts should not need reporting.

No action is recorded against this proposal. That is not evidence that none has been taken. See what the tracker does not yet cover.

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What this page covers, and what it leaves out

Recommendations on prosecution policy, the agency's structure and commissioners, its litigating authority, and contribution limits.

The chapter's account of past enforcement disputes and its detailed procedural criticisms.

This is one of the shortest chapters in the book. Several of its recommendations are about how existing law should be read rather than about changing it.