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Project 2025 › Chapter 29

Federal Election Commission

Chapter 29 · pp. 861–868 · Hans A. von Spakovsky

What this chapter is about

This chapter is about the agency that guards money in votes. It says the rules should favor the person, not the state. It wants the Justice Department to follow that agency. It also wants the caps on giving raised.

6 proposals indexed from this chapter.

The document says “should”Who acts: President, Attorney GeneralHow: internal managementp. 863 in the PDF
What the document says

“The President should direct the DOJ and the attorney general not to prosecute individuals under an interpretation of the law with which the FEC”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 863

The full sentence covers interpretations the commission, as the expert agency Congress designated to enforce the law civilly and issue regulations, does not agree with. The chapter says prosecutors should consult all official commission actions including prior enforcement actions, regulatory pronouncements and advisory opinions, and that this should hold even where commissioners split three to three, since the commission cannot act without four affirmative votes.

What the document actually says

“The President should direct the DOJ and the attorney general not to prosecute individuals under an interpretation of the law with which the FEC”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 863
That sentence, in plain words

Say the vote agency reads the law one way. Do not charge people under a different reading.

What this is about

One agency sets the rules for money in votes. The Justice Department can bring charges. The book says it must go by that agency's reading.

What has happened
Same subject, different route

Ensuring Accountability for All Agencies

2025-02-18 · 90 FR 10447

Executive Order 14215 of February 18, 2025 acts on exactly the question the proposal raises, whose reading of the law governs, and settles it the other way. It amends Executive Order 12866 so that the definition of agency expressly includes the Federal Election Commission, bringing the commission's significant regulatory actions under review by the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs, and section 7 makes the opinions of the President and the Attorney General controlling on all executive branch employees, barring any employee from advancing an interpretation of law as the position of the United States that contravenes them, including in regulations, guidance and litigation positions, unless authorized. The proposal asks the President to direct the Justice Department not to prosecute under a reading the commission rejects. Where they part: the order says nothing about prosecutions or about the Federal Election Campaign Act, and it does not forbid such a directive, so it reverses the direction of deference without addressing the charging decision the chapter is about.

In plain English

The chapter asked that the election board's reading of the law win out. The order settles that point the other way. Now the President and the top lawyer set the reading. It says nothing about who gets charged.

The document says “must”Who acts: President, Attorney GeneralHow: internal managementp. 863 in the PDF
What the document says

“The President must ensure that the DOJ, just like the FEC, is directed to only prosecute clear violations of FECA.”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 863

The chapter says the department must not construe ambiguous provisions against the public instead of the government, or apply the act in a way that infringes protected First Amendment activity, and that it would be unjust to prosecute people who cannot tell whether they are breaking a confusing law.

What the document actually says

“The President must ensure that the DOJ, just like the FEC, is directed to only prosecute clear violations of FECA.”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 863
That sentence, in plain words

Only bring charges for clear breaches of the election law.

What this is about

Election law is complex. The book says people cannot always tell if they broke it. It says only clear breaches should be charged.

What has happened
Partly matches

Fighting Overcriminalization in Federal Regulations

2025-05-09 · 90 FR 20363

Executive Order 14294 of May 9, 2025 sets as the policy of the United States that criminal enforcement of criminal regulatory offenses is disfavored, that prosecutions should focus on matters where a putative defendant is alleged to have known his conduct was unlawful, and that strict liability offenses are disfavored. It directs each agency, in consultation with the Attorney General, to publish every criminal regulatory offense it enforces together with the applicable mens rea standard, and it strongly discourages criminal enforcement of any offense left off that list. That is a presidential direction against prosecuting people who cannot tell that they are breaking the law, which is the reason the passage gives for its request. The fit breaks down because the order reaches criminal regulatory offenses, which it defines as federal regulations enforceable by a criminal penalty, rather than violations of the Federal Election Campaign Act itself, because it names neither the Justice Department's election crimes work, the Federal Election Commission, nor the First Amendment concern the passage raises, and because it governs when a regulatory offense should be charged rather than setting any standard of clarity for election law.

In plain English

The order says people should not face charges for rules they could not know they broke. Agencies must list each rule that can bring a charge. That matches the chapter's reason for its ask. But the order covers agency rules, not election law. It never names that law.

The document says “should consider”Who acts: President, CongressHow: legislationp. 865 in the PDF
What the document says

“the President should seriously consider recommending that Congress amend FECA to remove the agency’s independent litigating authority”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865

Independent litigating authority lets the commission go to court in its own name rather than through the Justice Department. The chapter raises removing it as something to consider seriously rather than as a firm recommendation.

What the document actually says

“the President should seriously consider recommending that Congress amend FECA to remove the agency’s independent litigating authority”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865
That sentence, in plain words

One idea is to take away the agency's power to sue on its own.

What this is about

This agency can take people to court itself. The book says that power could be removed. Then the Justice Department would sue instead.

What has happened
Partly matches

Ensuring Accountability for All Agencies

2025-02-18 · 90 FR 10447

Section 7 of Executive Order 14215 of February 18, 2025 provides that the President and the Attorney General supply authoritative interpretations of law for the executive branch, that their opinions on questions of law are controlling on all employees in the conduct of their official duties, and that no employee acting in an official capacity may advance an interpretation of the law as the position of the United States that contravenes them, naming positions advanced in litigation, unless authorized by the President or in writing by the Attorney General. The same order amends the definition of agency in Executive Order 12866 to include the Federal Election Commission by name. That subordinates the legal positions the commission may take to the Attorney General's, which is the independence the passage asks the President to consider ending. The fit breaks down because the passage asks for an amendment to the Federal Election Campaign Act and the order asks Congress for nothing, because nothing in the order removes or mentions the commission's authority to appear in court in its own name, because section 7 governs which interpretation of law may be advanced rather than who may sue, and because section 7 speaks of employees of the executive branch without stating whether the commissioners are covered.

In plain English

The order makes the top lawyer's reading of the law bind staff in court. That reins in the election board the chapter wrote about. But the chapter asked Congress to change a law, and the order asks Congress for nothing. The board can still go to court on its own.

The document says “should”Who acts: PresidentHow: not specifiedp. 865 in the PDF
What the document says

“The President should vigorously oppose all efforts, as proposed, for example, in Section 6002 of the “For the People Act of 2021,””

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865

The proposals in question would reduce the commission from six members to five or another odd number. The chapter defends the current requirement of four votes to authorize an enforcement action, which with six members split evenly between the parties means no action can proceed on a party-line vote.

What the document actually says

“The President should vigorously oppose all efforts, as proposed, for example, in Section 6002 of the “For the People Act of 2021,””

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865
That sentence, in plain words

Some want fewer people on this commission. The president should fight that hard.

What this is about

The election agency has six members, three from each party. Four must agree to act. Some want an odd number instead. The book says no.

Read against the documents indexed here on August 26, 2026, and nothing was found that answers this. No candidate concerns the size of the Federal Election Commission or the four vote requirement for enforcement. The nearest by subject is Executive Order 14248 of March 25, 2025 on election integrity, which directs proof of citizenship documentation, data sharing by the Social Security Administration with state election officials and enforcement of voter list maintenance. A search of its text finds no mention of the Federal Election Commission or of commissioners. That is a record of a search, not a finding that nothing has happened: an act this site does not hold, or one that answers the proposal in words unlike its own, would not be caught by it.

The document says “should”Who acts: President, CongressHow: legislationp. 865 in the PDF
What the document says

“The President should prioritize nominations to the FEC once commissioners reach the end of their terms”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865

The chapter asks for legislative language either eliminating or limiting overstays to a reasonable period, so there is time to vet, nominate and confirm successors. Commissioners may currently continue serving after their terms expire until replaced.

What the document actually says

“The President should prioritize nominations to the FEC once commissioners reach the end of their terms”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 865
That sentence, in plain words

When a member's term ends, name the next one fast.

What this is about

Members of this agency can stay on after their term ends. Some stay for years. The book says replacements should be named fast.

Read against the documents indexed here on August 26, 2026, and nothing was found that answers this. Nothing indexed comes close. No candidate is a nomination, and none addresses how long a commissioner may serve after a term expires. The nearest by name, case-70377895, is a docket record for Giffords v. FEC in the D.C. Circuit, listed because the docket names an executive order; the site holds no text from it about nominations or holdover service. That is a record of a search, not a finding that nothing has happened: an act this site does not hold, or one that answers the proposal in words unlike its own, would not be caught by it.

The document says “should”Who acts: CongressHow: legislationp. 866 in the PDF
What the document says

“Raise contribution limits and index reporting requirements to inflation.”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 866

The chapter argues that limits hamstring candidates and parties while serving no practical anti-corruption purpose, and that reporting thresholds not indexed to inflation clog the public record and the agency's processes with small-dollar information of little use. It separately criticizes limits on party committees coordinating with their own candidates.

What the document actually says

“Raise contribution limits and index reporting requirements to inflation.”

Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, p. 866
That sentence, in plain words

Let people give more. Move the reporting limits with inflation.

What this is about

There are caps on what you can give a campaign. The book says they are too low. It also says small gifts should not need reporting.

Read against the documents indexed here on August 26, 2026, and nothing was found that answers this. Nothing indexed comes close. No candidate touches campaign contribution limits or reporting thresholds. The candidates returned here concern credit reporting, veterans' compensation rates, veterans' employment regulations and two disapproval resolutions about unrelated rules. That is a record of a search, not a finding that nothing has happened: an act this site does not hold, or one that answers the proposal in words unlike its own, would not be caught by it.

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How to cite this
  1. The document itself

    Hans A. von Spakovsky, “Federal Election Commission,” in Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, edited by Paul Dans and Steven Groves (The Heritage Foundation, 2023), pp. 861-868.
    https://static.heritage.org/project2025/2025_MandateForLeadership_FULL.pdf

  2. This page

    “Federal Election Commission,” Project 2025, chapter 29. Read the Mandate, https://readthemandate.org/project-2025/chapter-29/ (retrieved October 7, 2026).

Cite the document when the claim is about what the document says. Cite this page when the indexing, the wording or the record of what has happened is what is being relied on.

What This Page Covers, and What It Leaves Out

Recommendations on prosecution policy, the agency's structure and commissioners, its litigating authority, and contribution limits.

The chapter's account of past enforcement disputes and its detailed procedural criticisms.

This is one of the shortest chapters in the book. Several of its recommendations are about how existing law should be read rather than about changing it.